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EXECUTIVE SESSIONS OF THE SENATE

PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON

INVESTIGATIONS OF THE COMMITTEE

ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS

=======================================================================

VOLUME 1

__________

EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

1953

MADE PUBLIC JANUARY 2003

Printed for the use of the Committee on Governmental Affairs

________

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

83-869 WASHINGTON : 2003

____________________________________________________________________________

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COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS

107th Congress, Second Session

JOSEPH I. LIEBERMAN, Connecticut, Chairman

CARL LEVIN, Michigan FRED THOMPSON, Tennessee

DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii TED STEVENS, Alaska

RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine

ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio

MAX CLELAND, Georgia THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi

THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah

MARK DAYTON, Minnesota JIM BUNNING, Kentucky

PETER G. FITZGERALD, Illinois

Joyce A. Rechtschaffen, Staff Director and Counsel

Richard A. Hertling, Minority Staff Director

Darla D. Cassell, Chief Clerk

------

PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS

CARL LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman

DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii, SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine

RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois TED STEVENS, Alaska

ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio

MAX CLELAND, Georgia THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi

THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah

MARK DAYTON, Minnesota JIM BUNNING, Kentucky

PETER G. FITZGERALD, Illinois

Elise J. Bean, Staff Director and Chief Counsel

Kim Corthell, Minority Staff Director

Mary D. Robertson, Chief Clerk

COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS

83rd Congress, First Session

JOSEPH R. McCARTHY, Wisconsin, Chairman

KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas

MARGARET CHASE SMITH, Maine HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Minnesota

HENRY C. DWORSHAK, Idaho HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington

EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois JOHN F. KENNEDY, Massachusetts

JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland STUART SYMINGTON, Missouri

CHARLES E. POTTER, Michigan ALTON A. LENNON, North Carolina

Francis D. Flanagan, Chief Counsel

Walter L. Reynolds, Chief Clerk

------

PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS

JOSEPH R. McCARTHY, Wisconsin, Chairman

KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas \1\

EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington \1\

CHARLES E. POTTER, Michigan STUART SYMINGTON, Missouri \1\

Roy M. Cohn, Chief Counsel

Francis P. Carr, Executive Director

Ruth Young Watt, Chief Clerk

assistant counsels

Robert F. Kennedy Donald A. Surine

Thomas W. La Venia Jerome S. Adlerman

Donald F. O'Donnell C. George Anastos

Daniel G. Buckley

investigators

Robert J. McElroy

Herbert S. Hawkins James N. Juliana

G. David Schine, Chief Consultant

Karl H. W. Baarslag, Director of Research

Carmine S. Bellino, Consulting Accountant

La Vern J. Duffy, Staff Assistant

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\1\ The Democratic members were absent from the subcommittee from

July 10, 1953 to January 25, 1954.

C O N T E N T S

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Page

Volume 1

Preface.......................................................... xi

Introduction..................................................... xiii

Russell W. Duke, January 15...................................... 1

Testimony of Russell W. Duke.

Russell W. Duke, January 16...................................... 33

Testimony of Edward P. Morgan.

Stockpiling in General Services Administration, January 26....... 97

Testimony of George Willi; and Maxwell H. Elliott.

Stockpiling of Strategic Materials, January 29................... 121

Testimony of Downs E. Hewitt.

File Destruction in Department of State, January 26.............. 143

Testimony of John E. Matson.

File Destruction in Department of State, January 27.............. 177

Testimony of Helen B. Balog.

File Destruction in Department of State, January 28.............. 207

Testimony of Malvina M. Kerr; and Vladimir I. Toumanoff.

File Destruction in Department of State, January 29.............. 283

Testimony of Robert J. Ryan; and Mansfield Hunt.

Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, January 26........... 321

Testimony of Eugene H. Cole.

Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, January 27........... 337

Testimony of Eugene H. Cole.

Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, February 7........... 349

Testimony of Clyde Austin; O.V. Wells; and John W. Carlisle.

Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, March 3.............. 379

Testimony of Vernon Booth Lowrey.

Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, March 24............. 393

Testimony of James M. Bryant.

Violation of Export Control Statutes, February 2................. 411

Testimony of E.L. Kohler.

Voice of America, February 13.................................... 457

Testimony of Lewis J. McKesson; Virgil H. Fulling; Edwin

Kretzmann; and Howard Fast.

Voice of America, February 14.................................... 499

Testimony of Lewis J. McKesson; James M. Moran; George Q.

Herrick; Newbern Smith; Stuart Ayers; Larry Bruzzese; and

Nancy Lenkeith.

Voice of America--Transmission Facilities, February 16........... 577

Testimony of Wilson R. Compton; and General Frank E. Stoner.

Voice of America, February 17.................................... 599

Testimony of Harold C. Vedeler.

Voice of America, February 23.................................... 615

Testimony of Nathaniel Weyl; Donald Henderson; Alfred Puhan;

James F. Thompson; and Reed Harris.

Voice of America, February 24.................................... 715

Testimony of W. Bradley Connors.

Voice of America, February 28.................................... 719

Testimony of Fernand Auberjonois; Norman Stanley Jacobs;

Raymond Gram Swing; and Troup Mathews.

Voice of America, March 3........................................ 765

Testimony of Jack B. Tate.

Voice of America, March 7........................................ 769

Testimony of Mrs. William Grogan; and Dorothy Fried.

Voice of America, March 10....................................... 795

Testimony of David Cushman Coyle; John Francis McJennett,

Jr.; and Robert L. Thompson.

Voice of America, March 16....................................... 881

Testimony of Charles P. Arnot.

Loyalty Board Procedures, March 18............................... 903

Testimony of John H. Amen.

Volume 2

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

March 23....................................................... 913

Testimony of Mary M. Kaufman; Sol Auerbach (James S. Allen);

and William Marx Mandel.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

March 24....................................................... 945

Testimony of Samuel Dashiell Hammett; Helen Goldfrank; Jerre

G. Mangione; and James Langston Hughes.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

March 25....................................................... 999

Testimony of Mary Van Kleeck; and Edwin Seaver.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

March 31....................................................... 1015

Testimony of Edward W. Barrett.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

April 1........................................................ 1045

Testimony of Dan Mabry Lacy.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

April 24....................................................... 1071

Testimony of James A. Wechsler--published in 1953.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers,

April 28....................................................... 1073

Testimony of Theodore Kaghan.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 5. 1115

Testimony of James A. Wechsler--published in 1953.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 5. 1117

Testimony of Millen Brand.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 6. 1123

Testimony of John L. Donovan.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 13 1135

Testimony of James Aronson; and Cedric Belfrage.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 19 1161

Testimony of Julien Bryan.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 1 1193

Testimony of Richard O. Boyer; Rockwell Kent; Edwin B.

Burgum; Joseph Freeman; George Seldes; and Doxey Wilkerson.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 2 1217

Testimony of Allan Chase.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 7 1223

Testimony of Eslanda Goode Robeson; Arnaud d'Usseau; and Leo

Huberman.

State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July

14............................................................. 1231

Testimony of Harvey O'Connor.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 20........ 1235

Testimony of Naphtali Lewis.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 25........ 1245

Testimony of Helen B. Lewis; Naphtali Lewis; and Margaret

Webster.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 26........ 1267

Testimony of Aaron Copland.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 8........ 1291

Testimony of Rachel Davis DuBois; and Dr. Dorothy Ferebee.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 19....... 1305

Testimony of Clarence F. Hiskey.

State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 19....... 1311

Testimony of Harold C. Urey.

Trade with Soviet-Bloc Countries, May 20......................... 1321

Trade with Soviet-Bloc Countries, May 25......................... 1329

Testimony of Charles S. Thomas; Louis W. Goodkind; Thruston

B. Morton; Kenneth R. Hansen; and Vice Admiral Walter S.

Delaney.

Austrian Incident, June 3........................................ 1349

Testimony of V. Frank Coe.

Austrian Incident, June 5........................................ 1367

Testimony of V. Frank Coe.

Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 17........ 1373

Testimony of Louis Bortz; and Herbert S. Hawkins.

Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 18........ 1395

Testimony of Louis Bortz.

Special Meeting, July 10......................................... 1399

Alleged Bribery of State Department Official, July 13............ 1415

Testimony of Juan Jose Martinez-Locayo.

Internal Revenue, July 31........................................ 1431

Testimony of T. Coleman Andrews.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 10.................. 1439

Testimony of Mary S. Markward; Edward M. Rothschild; Esther

Rothschild; and James B. Phillips.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 11.................. 1473

Testimony of Frederick Sillers; Gertrude Evans; and Charles

Gift.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 11.................. 1497

Testimony of Raymond Blattenberger; and Phillip L. Cole.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 12.................. 1515

Testimony of Ernest C. Mellor; and S. Preston Hipsley.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 13.................. 1527

Testimony of Irving Studenberg.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 13.................. 1533

Testimony of Gertrude Evans; and Charles Gift.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 14.................. 1547

Testimony of Howard Merold; Jack Zucker; Howard Koss; and

Isadore Kornfield.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 15.................. 1563

Testimony of Cleta Guess; James E. Duggan; and Adolphus

Nichols Spence.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 18.................. 1573

Testimony of Roy Hudson Wells, Jr.; and Phillip Fisher.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 19.................. 1577

Testimony of Joseph E. Francis; Samuel Bernstein; and Roscoe

Conkling Everhardt.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 21.................. 1595

Testimony of Florence Fowler Lyons.

Security--Government Printing Office, August 29.................. 1603

Testimony of Alfred L. Fleming; Carl J. Lundmark; Earl Cragg;

and Harry Falk.

Stockpiling and Metal Program, August 21......................... 1615

Statement of Robert C. Miller.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, August 31.... 1625

Testimony of Doris Walters Powell; Francesco Palmiero; and

Albert E. Feldman.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 1.. 1651

Testimony of Cpt. Donald Joseph Kotch; Stanley Garber; Jacob

W. Allen; Deton J. Brooks, Jr.; Col. Ralph M. Bauknight;

Doris Walters Powell; Francesco Palmiero; Marvel Cooke; and

Paul Cavanna.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 2.. 1695

Testimony of Mary Columbo Palmiero; Col. Wallace W. Lindsay;

Col. Wendell G. Johnson; Maj. Harold N. Krau; Louis Francis

Budenz; Augustin Arrigo; and Muriel Silverberg.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 3.. 1729

Testimony of John Stewart Service; Donald Joseph Kotch;

Michael J. Lynch; and Jacob W. Allen.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 8.. 1745

Testimony of H. Donald Murray.

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 9.. 1777

Testimony of Alexander Naimon; John Lautner; Esther Leenov

Ferguson.

Volume 3

Security--United Nations, September 14........................... 1807

Testimony of Julius Reiss; and Florence Englander.

Security--United Nations, September 15........................... 1833

Testimony of Paul Crouch; Dimitri Varley; Abraham Unger; and

Alice Ehrenfeld.

Security--United Nations, September 16........................... 1877

Testimony of Frank Cernrey; and Helen Matousek.

Security--United Nations, September 17........................... 1889

Testimony of Abraham Unger; Vachel Lofek; and David M.

Freedman.

Communist Infiltration in the Army, September 21................. 1899

Testimony of Igor Bogolepov; Vladimir Petrov; Gen. Richard C.

Partridge; and Samuel McKee.

Communist Infiltration in the Army, September 23................. 1913

Testimony of Louis Budenz; Harriett Moore Gelfan; and Corliss

Lamont.

Korean War Atrocities, October 6................................. 1923

Testimony of Edward J. Lyons, Jr.; Lt. Col. Lee H. Kostora;

Maj. James Kelleher; Lt. Col. J. W. Whitehorne, III; Gen.

Fenn; and John Adams.

Korean War Atrocities, October 31................................ 1943

Korean War Atrocities, November 30............................... 1965

Testimony of 1st Lt. Henry J. McNichols, Jr.; Sgt. Barry F.

Rhoden; Capt. Linton J. Buttrey; Sgt. Carey H. Weinel; Col.

James M. Hanley; Pfc. John E. Martin; Capt. Alexander G.

Makarounis.

Korean War Atrocities, December 1................................ 2043

Testimony of Lt. Col. John W. Gorn; Lt. Col. James T. Rogers;

Cpl. Lloyd D. Kreider; Sgt. Robert L. Sharps; William L.

Milano; Sgt. Wendell Treffery; Sgt. George J. Matta; Cpl.

Willie L. Daniels; Sgt. John L. Watters, Jr.; Sgt. Orville

R. Mullins; and Donald R. Brown.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 8........... 2119

Statements of Paul Siegel; Jerome Corwin; Allen J.

Lovenstein; Edward J. Fister; William P. Goldberg; and

Jerome Rothstein.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 9........... 2201

Statements of Alan Sterling Gross; Dr. Fred B. Daniels;

Bernard Lipel; James Evers; Sol Bremmer; Murray Miller;

Sherwood Leeds; Paul M. Leeds.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 12.......... 2275

Statements of Louis Volp; William Patrick Lonnie; Henry F.

Burkhard; Marcel Ullmann; and Herbert F. Hecker.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 12.......... 2303

Testimony of Marcel Ullmann; Morris Keiser; Seymour

Rabinowitz; Rudolph C. Riehs; and Carl Greenblum.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 13.......... 2329

Testimony of Joseph Levitsky; William Ludwig Ullman; Bernard

Martin; Louis Kaplan; Harry Donohue; Jack Frolow; Bernard

Lewis; and Craig Crenshaw.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 14.......... 2389

Testimony of Harold Ducore; Aaron H. Coleman; Samuel

Pomerentz; and Haym G. Yamins.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 14.......... 2457

Testimony of Harold Ducore; Jack Okun; and Maj. Gen. Kirke B.

Lawton.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 15.......... 2487

Testimony of Vivian Glassman Pataki; Eleanor Glassman Hutner;

Samuel I. Greenman; Ira J. Katchen; Max Elitcher; Eugene E.

Hutner; Col. John V. Mills; Maj. James J. Gallagher; Marcel

Ullmann; Benjamin Zuckerman; and Benjamin Bookbinder.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 16.......... 2563

Testimony of Maj. Gen. Kirke Lawton; Maj. Gen. George I.

Back; Maj. Jenista; Col. Ferry; John Pernice; Karl Gerhard;

Carl Greenblum; Markus Epstein; and Leo M. Miller.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 17.......... 2625

Testimony of Alfred C. Walker; Joseph Levitsky; and Louis

Antell.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 22.......... 2649

Testimony of Fred Joseph Kitty; Jack Okun; Aaron Coleman; and

Barry S. Bernstein.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 22.......... 2697

Testimony of Benjamin Wolman; Harvey Sachs; Leonard E. Mins;

and Sylvia Berke.

Volume 4

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 23.......... 2729

Testimony of Sidney Glassman; David Ayman; Lawrence Freidman;

Elba Chase Nelson; Herbert S. Bennett; Joseph H. Percoff;

Lawrence Aguimbau; and Perry Seay.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 26.......... 2777

Statements of Benjamin Zuckerman; Hans Inslerman; Thomas K.

Cookson; Doris Seifert; Lafayette Pope; Ralph Iannarone;

Saul Finkelstein; Abraham Lepato; Irving Rosenheim; and

Richard Jones, Jr.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 27.......... 2815

Statements of Edward Brody; Max Katz; Henry Jasik; Capt.

Benjamin Sheehan; Russell Gaylord Ranney; Susan Moon; Peter

Rosmovsky; and Sarah Omanson.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 30.......... 2851

Statements of Harold Ducore; Stanley R. Rich; Nathan Sussman;

Louis Leo Kaplan; Carl Greenblum; Sherrod East; Jacob

Kaplan; James P. Scott; Bernard Lee; and Melvin M. Morris.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 2.......... 2893

Statements of William Johnston Jones; Murray Nareell; Samuel

Sack; Joseph Bert; Raymond Delcamp; Leo Fary; and Irving

Stokes.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 3.......... 2919

Testimony of Abraham Chasanow; Joseph H. Percoff; Solomon

Greenberg; Isadore Solomon; William Saltzman; and Samuel

Sack.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 4.......... 2953

Testimony of Victor Rabinowitz; Wendell Furry; Diana Wolman;

Abraham Brothman; Norman Gaboriault; Harvey Sachs; Sylvia

Berke; and Benjamin Wolman.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 5.......... 3033

Testimony of Harry Hyman; Vivian Glassman Pataki; Gunnar

Boye; Alexander Hindin; Samuel Paul Gisser; Stanley

Berinsky; Ralph Schutz; and Henry Shoiket.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 16......... 3083

Testimony of Rear Admiral Edward Culligan Forsyth; Samuel

Snyder; Ernest Pataki; Albert Socol; Joseph K. Crevisky;

Ignatius Giardina; and Leon Schnee.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 17......... 3125

Testimony of James Weinstein; Harry Grundfest; Harry

Pastorinsky; Emery Pataki; and Charles Jassik.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 25......... 3151

Testimony of Morris Savitt; Albert Fischler; James J. Matles;

Bertha Singer; and Terry Rosenbaum.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 10......... 3171

Testimony of Michael Sidorovich; and Ann Sidorovich.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 10......... 3175

Statement of Samuel Levine.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 14......... 3199

Testimony of Albert Shadowitz; Pvt. David Linfield; Shirley

Shapiro; and Sidney Stolbert.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 15......... 3221

Testimony of Ezekiel Heyman; Lester Ackerman; Sigmond Berger;

Ruth Levine; Bennett Davies; John D. Saunders; Norman

Spiro; Carter Lemuel Burkes; John R. Simkovich; Linda

Gottfried; Joseph Paul Komar; John Anthony DeLuca; and Sam

Morris.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 16......... 3273

Testimony of Wilbur LePage; Martin Levine; John Schickler;

David Lichter; Albert Burrows; Seymour Butensky; and

Kenneth John Way.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 17......... 3309

Statements of Irving Israel Galex; Harry Lipson; Seymour

Janowsky; Harry M. Nachmais; Curtis Quinten Murphy; Martin

Schmidt; and David Holtzman.

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 18......... 3349

Statements of Joseph John Oliveri; Philip Joseph Shapiro;

Samuel Martin Segner; Joseph Linton Layne; and Harry

William Levitties.

Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,

October 19..................................................... 3403

Testimony of William H. Taylor; and Alvin W. Hall.

Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,

October 21..................................................... 3425

Testimony of Elizabeth Bentley.

Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,

November 10.................................................... 3431

Statement of Walter F. Frese.

Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,

November 12.................................................... 3445

Testimony of Jean A. Arsenault; Sidney Friedlander; Theresa

Mary Chiaro; Albert J. Bottisti; Anna Jegabbi; Emma

Elizabeth Drake; Henry Daniel Hughes; Abden Francisco;

Joseph Arthur Gebhardt; Emanuel Fernandez; Robert Pierson

Northrup; Lawrence Leo Gebo; William J. Mastriani; Gordon

Belgrave; Arthur Lee Owens; John Sardella; and Rudolph

Rissland.

Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,

November 13.................................................... 3545

Testimony of Lillian Krummel; Dewey Franklin Brashear; Arthur

George; Higeno Hermida; Paul K. Hacko; Alex Henry Klein;

Harold S. Rollins; and John Starling Brooks.

Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,

November 18.................................................... 3585

Testimony of Karl T. Mabbskka; James John Walsh; Nathaniel

Mills; Robert Goodwin; Henry Canning Archdeacon; Donald

Herbert Morrill; Francis F. Peacock; William Richmond

Wilder; Donald R. Finlayson; Theodore Pappas; George Homes;

Alexander Gregory; Witoutos S. Bolys; Benjamin Alfred; and

Witulad Piekarski.

Transfer of the Ship ``Greater Buffalo'', December 8............. 3609

Testimony of Paul D. Page, Jr.; and George J. Kolowich.

Personnel Practices in Government--Case of Telford Taylor,

December 8..................................................... 3639

Testimony of Philip Young.

PREFACE

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The power to investigate ranks among the U.S. Senate's

highest responsibilities. As James Madison reasoned in The

Federalist Papers: ``If men were angels, no government would be

necessary. If angels governed men, neither external nor

internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing

a government which is to be administered by men over men, the

great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the

government to control the governed; and in the next place,

oblige it to control itself.'' It is precisely for the purposes

of government controlling itself that Congress investigates.

A century after Madison, another thoughtful authority on

Congress, Woodrow Wilson, judged the ``vigilant oversight of

administration'' to be as important as legislation. Wilson

argued that because self-governing people needed to be fully

informed in order to cast their votes wisely, the information

resulting from a Congressional investigation might be ``even

more important than legislation.'' Congress, he said, was the

``eyes and the voice'' of the nation.

In 1948, the Senate established the Permanent Subcommittee

on Investigations to continue the work of a special committee,

first chaired by Missouri Senator Harry Truman, to investigate

the national defense program during World War II. Over the next

half century, the Subcommittee under our predecessor Chairmen,

Senators John McClellan, Henry Jackson, Sam Nunn, William Roth,

and John Glenn, conducted a broad array of hard-hitting

investigations into allegations of corruption and malfeasance,

leading repeatedly to the exposure of wrongdoing and to the

reform of government programs.

The phase of the Subcommittee's history from 1953 to 1954,

when it was chaired by Joseph McCarthy, however, is remembered

differently. Senator McCarthy's zeal to uncover subversion and

espionage led to disturbing excesses. His browbeating tactics

destroyed careers of people who were not involved in the

infiltration of our government. His freewheeling style caused

both the Senate and the Subcommittee to revise the rules

governing future investigations, and prompted the courts to act

to protect the Constitutional rights of witnesses at

Congressional hearings. Senator McCarthy's excesses culminated

in the televised Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, following

which the Senate voted overwhelmingly for his censure.

Under Senate provisions regulating investigative records,

the records of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations are

deposited in the National Archives and sealed for fifty years,

in part to protect the privacy of the many witnesses who

testified in closed executive sessions. With the half century

mark here relative to the executive session materials of the

McCarthy subcommittee, we requested that the Senate Historical

Office prepare the transcripts for publication, to make them

equally accessible to students and the general public across

the nation. They were edited by Dr. Donald A. Ritchie, with the

assistance of Beth Bolling and Diane Boyle, and with the

cooperation of the staff of the Center for Legislative Archives

at the National Archives and Records Administration.

These hearings are a part of our national past that we can

neither afford to forget nor permit to reoccur.

Carl Levin,

Chairman.

Susan M. Collins,

Ranking Member.

Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.

INTRODUCTION

----------

The executive sessions of the Permanent Subcommittee on

Investigations for the Eighty-third Congress, from 1953 to

1954, make sobering reading. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy assumed

the chairmanship of the Government Operations Committee in

January 1953 and exercised prerogative, under then existing

rules, to chair the subcommittee as well. For the three

previous years, Senator McCarthy had dominated the national

news with his charges of subversion and espionage at the

highest levels of the federal government, and the chairmanship

provided him with a vehicle for attempting to prove and perhaps

expand those allegations.

Elected as a Wisconsin Republican in 1946, Senator McCarthy

had burst into national headlines in February 1950, when he

delivered a Lincoln Day address in Wheeling, West Virginia,

that blamed failures in American foreign policy on Communist

infiltration of the United States government. He held in his

hand, the senator asserted, a list of known Communists still

working in the Department of State. When a special subcommittee

of the Foreign Relations Committee investigated these charges

and rejected them as ``a fraud and a hoax,'' the issue might

have died, but the outbreak of the Korean War, along with the

conviction of Alger Hiss and arrest of Julius Rosenberg in

1950, lent new credibility to McCarthy's charges. He continued

to make accusations that such prominent officials as General

George C. Marshall had been part of an immense Communist

conspiracy. In 1952, Dwight D. Eisenhower's election as

president carried Republican majorities in both houses of

Congress, and seniority elevated McCarthy to chairman of the

Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.

Jurisdictional lines of the Senate assigned loyalty issues

to the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary

Committee, but Senator McCarthy interpreted his subcommittee's

mandate broadly enough to cover any government-related

activity, including subversion and espionage. Under his

chairmanship, the subcommittee shifted from searching out waste

and corruption in the executive branch to focusing almost

exclusively on Communist infiltration. The subcommittee vastly

accelerated the pace of its hearings. By comparison to the six

executive sessions held by his predecessor in 1952, McCarthy

held 117 in 1953. The subcommittee also conducted numerous

public hearings, which were often televised, but it did the

largest share of its work behind closed doors. During

McCarthy's first year as chairman, the subcommittee took

testimony from 395 witnesses in executive sessions and staff

interrogatories (by comparison to 214 witnesses in the public

sessions), and compiled 8,969 pages of executive session

testimony (compared to 5,671 pages of public hearings).

Transcripts of public hearings were published within months,

while those of executive sessions were sealed and deposited in

the National Archives and Records Administration. Under the

provisions of S. Res. 474, records involving Senate

investigations may be sealed for fifty years. With the approach

of the hearings' fiftieth anniversary, the Permanent

Subcommittee on Investigations authorized the Senate Historical

Office to prepare the executive session transcripts for

publication.

Professional stenographers worked independently under

contract to the Senate to produce the original transcripts of

the closed hearings. The transcripts are as accurate as the

stenographers were able to make them, but since neither

senators nor witnesses reviewed their remarks, as they would

have for published hearings, they could correct neither

misspelled names nor misheard words. Several different

stenographers operating in Washington, New York, and

Massachusetts prepared the transcripts, accounting for

occasional variations in style. The current editing has sought

to reproduce the transcripts as closely to their original form

as possible, deleting no content but correcting apparent

errors--such as the stenographer's turning the town of

Bethpage, New York, into a person's name, Beth Page.

Transcribers also employed inconsistent capitalization and

punctuation, which have been corrected in this printed version.

The executive sessions have been given the same titles as

the related public hearings, and all hearings on the same

subject matter have been grouped together chronologically. If

witnesses in executive session later testified in public, the

spelling of their names that appeared in the printed hearing

has been adopted. If thesubcommittee ordered that the executive

session testimony be published, those portions have not been reprinted,

but editorial notes indicate where the testimony occurred and provide a

citation. No transcripts were made of ``off the record'' discussions,

which are noted within the hearings. Senator McCarthy is identified

consistently as ``The Chairman.'' Senators who occasionally chaired

hearings in his absence, or chaired special subcommittees, are

identified by name. Brief editorial notes appear at the top of each

hearing to place the subject matter into historical context and to

indicate whether the witnesses later testified in public session.

Wherever possible, the witnesses' birth and death dates are noted. A

few explanatory footnotes have been added, although editorial intrusion

has been kept to a minimum. The subcommittee deposited all of the

original transcripts at the Center for Legislative Archives at the

National Archives and Records Administration, where they are now open

for research.

THE PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS

Following the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the

Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program

(popularly known as the Truman committee, for its chairman,

Harry S. Truman) merged with the Committee on Expenditures in

the Executive Departments to become the Permanent Subcommittee

on Investigations. In 1953 the Committee on Executive

Expenditures was renamed the Committee on Government

Operations, and Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957), who had

joined the committee in 1947, became chairman of both the

committee and its permanent subcommittee. Republicans won a

narrow majority during the Eighty-third Congress, and held only

a one-seat advantage over Democrats in the committee ratios.

The influx of new senators since World War II also meant that

except for the subcommittee's chairman and ranking member, all

other members were serving in their first terms. Senator

McCarthy had just been elected to his second term in 1952,

while the ranking Democrat, Arkansas Senator John L. McClellan

(1896-1977), had first been elected in 1942, and had chaired

the Government Operations Committee during the Eighty-first and

Eighty-second Congresses. The other members of the subcommittee

included Republicans Karl Mundt (1900-1974), Everett McKinley

Dirksen (1896-1969), and Charles E. Potter (1916-1979), and

Democrats Henry M. Jackson (1912-1983) and Stuart Symington

(1901-1988) \1\

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\1\ See Committee on Government Operations, 50th Anniversary

History, 1921-1971, 92nd Cong., 1st sess., S. Doc. 31 (Washington,

D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971).

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

With senators serving multiple committee assignments, only

on rare occasions would the entire membership of any committee

or subcommittee attend a hearing. Normally, Senate committees

operated with a few senators present, with members coming and

going through a hearing depending on their conflicting

commitments. Unique circumstances developed in 1953 to allow

Senator McCarthy to be the sole senator present at many of the

subcommittee's hearings, particularly those held away from

Washington. In July 1953, a dispute over the chairman's ability

to hire staff without consultation caused the three Democrats

on the subcommittee to resign. They did not return until

January 1954. McCarthy and his staff also called hearings on

short notice, and often outside of Washington, which prevented

the other Republican senators from attending. Senators Everett

Dirksen and Charles Potter occasionally sent staff members to

represent them (and at times to interrogate witnesses). By

operating so often as a ``one-man committee,'' Senator McCarthy

gave witnesses the impression, as Harvard law school dean Erwin

Griswold observed, that they were facing a ``judge, jury,

prosecutor, castigator, and press agent, all in one.'' \2\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\2\ Erwin N. Griswold, The 5th Amendment Today (Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 1955), 67.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 had created a

non-partisan professional staff for eachSenate committee.

Originally, staff worked for the committee as a whole and were not

divided by majority and minority. Chairman McCarthy inherited a small

staff from his predecessor, Clyde Hoey, a Democrat from North Carolina,

but a significant boost in appropriations enabled him to add many of

his own appointees. For chief counsel, McCarthy considered candidates

that included Robert Morris, counsel of the Internal Security

Subcommittee, Robert F. Kennedy, and John J. Sirica, but he offered the

job to Roy M. Cohn (1927-1986). The son of a New York State appellate

division judge, Cohn had been too young to take the bar exam when he

graduated from Columbia University Law School. A year later he became

assistant United States attorney on the day he was admitted to the bar.

In the U.S. attorney's office he took part in the prosecution of

William Remington, a former Commerce Department employee convicted of

perjury relating to his Communist party membership. Cohn also

participated in the prosecution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and in

the trial of the top Communist party leaders in the United States. He

earned a reputation as a relentless questioner with a sharp mind and

retentive memory. In 1952, Cohn briefly served as special assistant to

Truman's attorney general, James McGranery, and prepared an indictment

for perjury against Owen Lattimore, the Johns Hopkins University

professor whom Senator McCarthy had accused of being a top Soviet

agent. Cohn's appointment also helped counteract the charges of

prejudice leveled against the anti-Communist investigations. (Indeed,

when he was informed that the B'nai B'rith was providing lawyers to

assist the predominantly Jewish engineers suspended from Fort Monmouth,

on the assumption of anti-Semitism, Cohn responded: ``Well, that is an

outrageous assumption. I am a member and an officer of B'nai B'rith.'')

In December 1952, McCarthy invited Cohn to become subcommittee counsel.

``You know, I'm going to be the chairman of the investigating committee

in the Senate. They're all trying to push me off the Communist issue .

. . ,'' Cohn recalled the senator telling him. ``The sensible thing for

me to do, they say, is start investigating the agriculture program or

find out how many books they've got bound upside down at the Library of

Congress. They want me to play it safe. I fought this Red issue. I won

the primary on it. I won the election on it, and don't see anyone else

around who intends to take it on. You can be sure that as chairman of

this committee this is going to be my work. And I want you to help

me.'' \3\

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\3\ Washington Star, July 20, 1954; Roy Cohn, McCarthy (New York:

New American Library, 1968), 46.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

At twenty-six, Roy Cohn lacked any previous legislative

experience and tended to run hearings more like a prosecutor

before a grand jury, collecting evidence to make his case in

open session rather than to offer witnesses a full and fair

hearing. Republican Senator Karl Mundt, a veteran investigator

who had previously served on the House Un-American Activities

Committee, urged Cohn to call administrative officials who

could explain the policies and rationale of the government

agencies under investigation, and to keep the hearings

balanced, but Cohn felt disinclined to conduct an open forum.

Arrogant and brash, he alienated others on the staff, until

even Senator McCarthy admitted that putting ``a young man in

charge of other young men doesn't work out too well.'' Cohn's

youth further distanced him from most of the witnesses he

interrogated. Having reached maturity during the Cold War

rather than the Depression, he could not fathom a legitimate

reason for anyone having attended a meeting, signed a petition,

or contributed to an organization with any Communist

affiliation. In his memoirs, Cohn later recounted how a retired

university professor once told him ``that had I been born

twelve or fifteen years earlier my world-view and therefore my

character would have been very different.'' \4\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\4\ Ibid., 22; David F. Krugler, The Voice of America and the

Domestic Propaganda Battles, 1945-1953 (Columbia: University of

Missouri Press, 2000), 191.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

An indifferent administrator, Senator McCarthy gave his

counsel free rein to conduct investigations. In fact, he

appointed Cohn without having first removed the subcommittee's

previous chief counsel, Francis``Frip'' Flanagan. To remedy

this discrepancy, McCarthy changed Flanagan's title to general counsel,

although he never delineated any differences in authority. When a

reporter asked what these titles meant, McCarthy confessed that he did

not know. The subcommittee's chief clerk, Ruth Young Watt, found that

whenever a decision needed to be made, Cohn would say, ``Ask Frip,''

and Flanagan would reply, ``Ask Roy.'' ``In other words,'' she

explained, ``I'd just end up doing what I thought was right.'' \5\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\5\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 109, Senate Historical Office.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

The subcommittee held most of its hearings in room 357 of

the Senate Office Building (now named the Russell Senate Office

Building). Whenever it anticipated larger crowds for public

hearings, it would shift to room 318, the spacious Caucus Room

(now room 325), which better accommodated radio and television

coverage. In 1953 the subcommittee also held extensive hearings

in New York City, working out of the federal courthouse at

Foley Square and the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, while other

executive sessions took place at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, and

in Boston. Roy Cohn had recruited his close friend, G. David

Schine (1927-1996), as the subcommittee's unpaid ``chief

consultant.'' The two men declined to work out of the

subcommittee's crowded office--Cohn did not even have a desk

there. (``I don't have an office as such,'' Cohn later

testified. ``We have room 101 with 1 desk and 1 chair. That is

used jointly by Mr. Carr and myself. The person who gets there

first occupies the chair.'' \6\) Instead, Cohn and Schine

rented more spacious quarters for themselves in a nearby

private office building. When the subcommittee met in New York,

Schine made his family's limousine and suite at the Waldorf-

Astoria available for its use. As the subcommittee's only

unpaid staff member, he was not reimbursed for travel and other

expenses, including his much-publicized April 1953 tour with

Cohn of U.S. information libraries in Europe. In executive

sessions, Schine occasionally questioned witnesses and even

presided in Senator McCarthy's absence, with the chief counsel

addressing him as ``Mr. Chairman.'' Others on the staff,

including James Juliana and Daniel G. Buckley, similarly

conducted hearing-like interrogatories of witnesses. Schine

continued his associations with the subcommittee even after his

induction into the army that November--an event that triggered

the chairman's epic confrontation with the army the following

year.\7\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\6\ Special Subcommittee on Investigations, Special Senate

Investigation on Charges and Countercharges Involving: Secretary of the

Army Robert T. Stevens, John G. Adams, H. Struve Hensel and Senator Joe

McCarthy, Roy M. Cohn, and Francis P. Carr, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., part

47 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1954), 1803.

\7\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 107-108; 130; Washington Star,

January 1, 1953.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

The hectic pace and controversial nature of the

subcommittee hearings during the Eighty-third Congress placed

great burdens on the staff and contributed to frequent

departures. Of the twelve staff members that McCarthy

inherited, only four remained by the end of the year--an

investigator and three clerks. Of the twenty-one new staff

added during 1953, six did not last the year. Research director

Howard Rushmore (1914-1958) resigned after four months, and

assistant counsel Robert Kennedy (1925-1968), after literally

coming to blows with Roy Cohn, resigned in August, telling the

chairman that the subcommittee was ``headed for disaster.''

(The following year, Kennedy returned as minority counsel.)

When Francis Flanagan left in June 1953, Senator McCarthy named

J. B. Matthews (1894-1966) as executive director, hoping that

the seasoned investigator would impose some order on the staff.

Matthews boasted of having joined more Communist-front

organizations than any other American, although he had never

joined the Communist party. When he fell out of favor with

radical groups in the mid-1930s, he converted into an outspoken

anti-Communist and served as chief investigator for the House

Un-American Activities Committee from 1939 to 1945. An ordained

Methodist minister, he was referred to as ``Doctor Matthews,''

although he held no doctoral degree. Just as McCarthy announced

his appointment to head the subcommittee staff in June

1953,Matthews's article on ``Reds in Our Churches'' appeared in the

American Mercury magazine. His portrayal of Communist sympathy among

the nation's Protestant clergy caused a public uproar, and Republican

Senator Charles Potter joined the three Democrats on the subcommittee

in calling for Matthews's dismissal. Although Matthews resigned

voluntarily, it was Senator McCarthy's insistence on maintaining the

sole power to hire and fire staff that caused the three Democratic

senators to resign from the subcommittee, while retaining their

membership in the full Government Operations Committee. Senator

McCarthy then appointed Francis P. Carr, Jr. (1925-1994) as executive

director, with Roy Cohn continuing as chief counsel to direct the

investigation.\8\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\8\ G. F. Goodwin, ``Joseph Brown Matthews,'' Dictionary of

American Biography, Supplement 8 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,

1988), 424-27; Lawrence B. Glickman, ``The Strike in the Temple of

Consumption: Consumer Activitism and Twentieth-Century American

Political Culture,'' Journal of American History, 88 (June 2001), 99-

128; Robert F. Kennedy, The Enemy Within (New York: Harper & Brothers,

1960), 176.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE RIGHTS OF WITNESSES

In their hunt for subversion and espionage, Senator

McCarthy and chief counsel Cohn conducted hearings on the State

Department, the Voice of America, the U.S. overseas libraries,

the Government Printing Office, and the Army Signal Corps.

Believing any method justifiable in combating an international

conspiracy, they grilled witnesses intensely. Senator McCarthy

showed little patience for due process and defined witnesses'

constitutional rights narrowly. His hectoring style inspired

the term ``McCarthyism,'' which came to mean ``any

investigation that flouts the rights of individuals,'' usually

involving character assassination, smears, mudslinging,

sensationalism, and guilt by association. ``McCarthyism''--

coined by the Washington Post cartoonist Herblock, in 1950--

grew so universally accepted that even Senator McCarthy

employed it, redefining it as ``the fight for America.''

Subsequently, the term has been applied collectively to all

congressional investigations of suspected Communists, including

those by the House Un-American Activities Committee and Senate

Internal Security Subcommittee, which bore no direct relation

to the permanent subcommittee.\9\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\9\ William Safire, Safire's New Political Dictionary: The

Definitive Guide to the New Language of Politics (New York: Random

House, 1993), 441; Senator Joe McCarthy, McCarthyism: The Fight for

America (New York: Devin-Adair, 1952).

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

In these closed executive sessions, Senator McCarthy's

treatment of witnesses ranged from abrasive to solicitous. The

term ``executive sessions'' derives from the Senate's division

of its business between legislative (bills and resolutions) and

executive (treaties and nominations). Until 1929 the Senate

debated all executive business in closed session, clearing the

public and press galleries, and locking the doors.

``Executive'' thereby became synonymous with ``closed.''

Committees held closed sessions to conduct preliminary

inquiries, to mark up bills before reporting them to the floor,

and to handle routine committee housekeeping. By hearing

witnesses privately, the permanent subcommittee could avoid

incidents of misidentification and could determine how

forthcoming witnesses were likely to be in public. In the case

of McCarthy, however, ``executive session'' took a different

meaning. John G. Adams, who attended many of these hearings as

the army's counsel from 1953 to 1954, observed that the

chairman used the term ``executive session'' rather loosely.

``It didn't really mean a closed session, since McCarthy

allowed in various friends, hangers-on, and favored newspaper

reporters,'' wrote Adams. ``Nor did it mean secret, because

afterwards McCarthy would tell the reporters waiting outside

whatever he pleased. Basically, `executive' meant that Joe

could do anything he wanted.'' Adams recalled that the

subcommittee's Fort Monmouth hearings were held in a

``windowless storage room in the bowels of the courthouse,

unventilated and oppressively hot,'' into which crowded

thesenator, his staff, witnesses, and observers who at various times

included trusted newspaper reporters, the governor of Wisconsin, the

chairman's wife, mother-in-law and friends. ``The `secret' hearings

were, after all, quite a show,'' Adams commented, adding that the

transcripts were rarely released to the public. This ostensibly

protected the privacy of those interrogated, but also gave the chairman

an opportunity to give to the press his version of what had transpired

behind closed doors, with little chance of rebuttal.\10\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\10\ John G. Adams, Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of

McCarthyism (New York: W. W. Norton, 1983), 53, 60, 66.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Roy Cohn insisted that the subcommittee gave ``suspects''

rights that they would not get in a court of law. Unlike a

witness before a grand jury, or testifying on the stand, those

facing the subcommittee could have their attorney sit beside

them for consultation. The executive sessions further protected

the witnesses, Cohn pointed out, by excluding the press and the

public. But Gen. Telford Taylor, an American prosecutor at

Nuremberg, charged McCarthy with conducting ``a new and

indefensible kind of hearing, which is neither a public hearing

nor an executive session.'' In Taylor's view, the closed

sessions were a device that enabled the chairman to tell

newspapers whatever he saw fit about what happened, without

giving witnesses a chance to defend themselves or reporters a

chance to check the accuracy of the accusations.

Characteristically, Senator McCarthy responded to this

criticism with an executive session inquiry into Gen. Taylor's

loyalty. The chairman used other hearings to settle personal

scores with men such as Edward Barrett, State Department press

spokesman under Dean Acheson, and Edward Morgan, staff director

of the Tydings subcommittee that had investigated his Wheeling

speech.\11\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\11\ Cohn, McCarthy, 51; C. Dickerman Williams, ``The Duty to

Investigate,'' The Freeman, 3 (September 21, 1953), 919; New York

Times, November 28, 1953.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Inclusion as a witness in these volumes in no way suggests

a measure of guilt. Some of the witnesses who came before the

permanent subcommittee in 1953 had been Communists; others had

not. Some witnesses cooperated by providing names and other

information; others did not. Some testified on subjects

entirely unrelated to communism, subversion or espionage. The

names of many of these witnesses appeared in contemporary

newspaper accounts, even when they did not testify in public.

About a third of the witnesses called in executive session did

not appear at any public hearing, and Senator McCarthy often

defined such witnesses as having been ``cleared.'' Some were

called as witnesses out of mistaken identity. Others defended

themselves so resolutely or had so little evidence against them

that the chairman and counsel chose not to pursue them. For

those witnesses who did appear in public, the closed hearings

served as dress rehearsals. The subcommittee also heard many

witnesses in public session who had not previously appeared at

a closed hearing, usually committee staff or government

officials for whom a preliminary hearing was not deemed

necessary. Given the rapid pace of the hearings, the

subcommittee staff had little time for preparation. ``No real

research was ever done,'' Robert Kennedy complained. ``Most of

the investigations were instituted on the basis of some

preconceived notion by the chief counsel or his staff members

and not on the basis of any information that had been

developed.'' \12\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\12\ Kennedy, The Enemy Within, 307.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

After July 1953, when the Democratic senators resigned from

the subcommittee, other Republican senators also stopped

attending the subcommittee's closed hearings, in part because

so many of the hearings were held away from the District of

Columbia and called on short notice. Witnesses also received

subpoenas on such short notice that they found it hard to

prepare themselves or consult with counsel. Theoretically the

committee, rather than the chairman, issued subpoenas, Army

Counsel John G. Adams noted. ``But McCarthy ignored the Senate

rule that required a vote of the other members every time he

wanted to haul someone in.He signed scores of blank subpoenas

which his staff members carried in their inside pockets, and issued as

regularly as traffic tickets.'' Witnesses repeatedly complained that

subpoenas to appear were served on them just before the hearings,

either the night before or the morning of, making it hard for them to

obtain legal representation. Even if they obtained a lawyer, the

senator would not permit attorneys to raise objections or to talk for

the witness. Normally, a quorum of at least one-third of the committee

or subcommittee members was needed to take sworn testimony, although a

single senator could hold hearings if authorized by the committee. The

rules did not bar ``one-man hearings,'' because senators often came and

went during a committee hearing and committee business could come to a

halt if a minimum number of senators were required to hold a

hearing.\13\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\13\ Adams, Without Precedent, 67, 69.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

When the chairman acted as a one-man committee, the tone of

the hearings more closely resembled an inquisition. Witnesses

who swore that they had never joined the Communist party or

engaged in espionage or sabotage were held accountable for

long-forgotten petitions they had signed a decade earlier or

for having joined organizations that the attorney general later

cited as Communist fronts. Seeking any sign of political

unorthodoxy, the chairman and the subcommittee staff

scrutinized the witnesses' lives and grilled them about the

political beliefs of colleagues, neighbors and family members.

In the case of Stanley Berinsky, he was suspended from the Army

Signal Corps at Fort Monmouth after security officers

discovered that his mother had once been a member of the

Communist party:

The Chairman. Let's get this straight. I know it is unusual

to appear before a committee. So many witnesses get nervous.

You just got through telling us you did not know she was a

Communist; now you tell us she resigned from the Communist

party? As of when?

Mr. Berinsky. I didn't know this until the security

suspension came up at Fort Monmouth.

The Chairman. When was that?

Mr. Berinsky. That was in 1952.

The Chairman. Then did your mother come over and tell you

she had resigned?

Mr. Berinsky. I told her what happened. At that time she

told me she had been out for several years.

The Chairman. . . . Well, did you ever ask her if she was a

Communist?

Mr. Berinsky. No, sir. . . .

The Chairman. When you went to see her, weren't you

curious? If somebody told me my mother was a Communist, I'd get

on the phone and say, ``Mother is this true''? . . .

Did she tell you why she resigned?

Mr. Berinsky. If seems to me she probably did it because I

held a government job and she didn't want to jeopardize my

position.

The Chairman. In other words, it wasn't because she felt

differently about the Communist party, but because she didn't

want to jeopardize your position?

Mr. Berinsky. Probably.

The Chairman. Was she still a Communist at heart in 1952?

Mr. Berinsky. Well, I don't know how you define that.

The Chairman. Do you think she was a Communist, using your

own definition of communism?

Mr. Berinsky. I guess my own definition is one who is a

member of the party. No.

The Chairman. Let's say one who was a member and dropped

out and is still loyal to the party. Taking that as a

definition, would you say she is still a Communist?

Mr. Berinsky. Do you mean in an active sense?

The Chairman. Loyal in her mind.

Mr. Berinsky. That is hard to say.

The Chairman. Is she still living?

Mr. Berinsky. Yes.\14\

\14\ Executive session transcript, November 5, 1953.

Perhaps the most recurring phrase in these executive

session hearings was not the familiar ``Are you now or have you

ever been a member of the Communist party?'' That was the

mantra of the public hearings. Instead, in the closed hearings

it was ``In other words,'' which prefaced the chairman's

relentless rephrasing of witnesses' testimony into something

with more sinister implications than they intended. Given

Senator McCarthy's tendency toward hyperbole, witnesses

objected to his use of inappropriate or inflammatory words to

characterize their testimony. He took their objections as a

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

sign they were covering up something:

The Chairman. Did you live with him when the apartment was

raided by army security?

Mr. Okun. Senator, the apartment was not raided. He had

been called and asked whether he would let them search it. . .

The Chairman. You seem to shy off at the word ``raided.''

When the army security men go over and make a complete search

of the apartment and find forty-three classified documents, to

me that means ``raided.'' You seem, both today and the other

day to be going out of your way trying to cover up for this man

Coleman.

Mr. Okun. No, sir. I do not want to cover up anything.\15\

\15\ Executive session transcript, October 23, 1953.

A few of those who appeared before the subcommittee later

commented that the chairman was less intimidating in private

than his public behavior had led them to expect. ``Many of us

have formed an impression of McCarthy from the now familiar

Herblock caricatures. He is by no means grotesque,'' recalled

Martin Merson, who clashed with the senator over the Voice of

America. ``McCarthy, the relaxed dinner guest, is a charming

man with the friendliest of smiles.'' McCarthy's sometimes

benign treatment of witnesses in executive session may have

been a tactic intended to lull them into false complacency

before his more relentless questioning in front of the

television cameras, which certainly seemed to bring out the

worst in him. Ruth Young Watt (1910-1996), the subcommittee's

chief clerk from 1948 until her retirement in 1979, regarded

the chairman as ``a very kind man, very thoughtful of people

working with him,'' but a person who would ``get off on a

tirade sometimes'' in public hearings.\16\

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\16\ Martin Merson, The Private Diary of a Public Servant (New

York: Macmillan, 1955), 83; Ruth Watt oral history, 140.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Senator McCarthy regularly informed witnesses of their

right to decline to answer if they felt an answer might

incriminate them, but he interpreted their refusal to answer a

question as an admission of guilt. He also encouraged

government agencies and private corporations to fire anyone who

took the Fifth Amendment before a congressional committee. When

witnesses also attempted to cite their First Amendment rights,

the chairman warned that they would be cited for contempt of

Congress. Although the chairman pointed out that membership in

the Communist party was not a crime, many witnesses declined to

admit their past connections to the party to avoid having to

name others with whom they were associated. Some witnesses

wanted to argue that the subcommittee had no right to question

their political beliefs, but their attorneys advised them that

it would be more prudent to decline to answer. During 1953,

some seventy witnesses before the subcommittee invoked the

Fifth Amendment and declined to answer questions concerning

Communist activities. Five refused to answer on the basis of

the First Amendment, two claimed marital privileges, and

Harvard Professor Wendell Furry invoked no constitutional

grounds for his failure toanswer questions.\17\

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\17\ Annual Report of the Committee on Government Operations Made

by its Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 83rd Cong., 2nd

sess., S. Rept. 881 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

1954), 10-14; see also Griswold, The 5th Amendment Today, and Victor S.

Navasky, Naming Names (New York: Viking Press, 1980).

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Some witnesses invoked the Fifth Amendment to avoid

implicating those they knew to be Communists. Other invoked the

Fifth Amendment as a blanket response to any questions about

the Communist party, after being warned by their attorneys that

if they answered questions about themselves they could be

compelled to name their associates. In the case of Rogers v.

U.S. (1951) the Supreme Court had ruled that a witness could

not refuse to answer questions simply out of a ``desire to

protect others from punishment, much less to protect another

from interrogation by a grand jury.'' The Justice Department

applied the same reasoning to witnesses who refused to identify

others to a congressional committee. Since the questions were

relevant to the operation of the government, the department

assured Senator McCarthy that it was his right as a

congressional investigator to order witnesses to answer

questions about whether they know any Communists who might be

working in the government or in defense plants.\18\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\18\ Assistant Attorney General Warren Olney, III to Senator Joseph

R. McCarthy, July 7, 1954, full text in the executive session

transcript for July 15, 1954.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Senator McCarthy explained to witnesses that they could

take the Fifth Amendment only if they were concerned that

telling the truth would incriminate them, a reasoning that

redefined the right against self-incrimination as incriminating

in itself. Calling them ``Fifth-Amendment Communists,'' he

insisted that ``an innocent man does not need the Fifth

Amendment.'' At a public hearing, the chairman pressed one

witness: ``Are you declining, among other reasons, for the

reason that you are relying upon that section of the Fifth

Amendment which provides that no person may be a witness

against himself if he feels that his testimony might tend to

incriminate him? If you are relying upon that, you can tell me.

If not, of course, you are ordered to answer. A Communist and

espionage agent has the right to refuse on that ground, but not

on any of the other grounds you cited.'' \19\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\19\ Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Army Signal Corps--

Subversion and Espionage, 83rd Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, D.C.:

Government Printing Office, 1954), 153, 299-300.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Federal court rulings had given congressional investigators

considerable leeway to operate. In the aftermath of the Teapot

Dome investigation, the Supreme Court ruled in McGrain v.

Daugherty (1927) that a committee could subpoena anyone to

testify, including private citizens who were neither government

officials nor employees. In Sinclair v. U.S. (1929), the

Supreme Court recognized the right of Congress to investigate

anything remotely related to its legislative and oversight

functions. The court also upheld the Smith Act of 1940, which

made it illegal to advocate overthrowing the U.S. government by

force or violence. In 1948 the Justice Department prosecuted

twelve Communist leaders for having conspired to organize ``as

a society, group and assembly of persons who teach and advocate

the overthrow and destruction of the Government of the United

States by force and violence.'' Upholding their convictions, in

Dennis v. U.S. (1951), the Supreme Court denied that their

prosecution had violated the First Amendment, on the grounds

that the government's power to prevent an armed rebellion

subordinated free speech. During the next six years 126

individuals were indicted solely for being members of the

Communist party. The Mundt-Nixon Act of 1950 further barred

Communist party members from employment in defense

installations, denied them passports, and required them to

register with the Subversive Activities Control Board. In

Rogers v. U.S. (1951) the Supreme Court declared that a witness

who had testified that she was treasurer of a localCommunist

party and had possession of its records could not claim the Fifth

Amendment when asked to whom she gave those records. Her initial

admission had waived her right to invoke her privilege and she was

guilty of contempt for failing to answer.

Not until after Senator McCarthy's investigations had

ceased did the Supreme Court change direction on the rights of

congressional witnesses, in three sweeping decisions handed

down on June 17, 1957. In Yates v. U.S. the court overturned

the convictions of fourteen Communist party members under the

Smith Act, finding that organizing a Communist party was not

synonymous with advocating the overthrow of the government by

force and violence. As a result, the Justice Department stopped

seeking further indictments under the Smith Act. In Watkins v.

U.S., the court specified that an investigating committee must

demonstrate a legislative purpose to justify probing into

private affairs, and ruled that public education was an

insufficient reason to force witnesses to answer questions

under the penalty of being held in contempt. These rulings

confirmed that the Bill of Rights applied to anyone subpoenaed

by a congressional committee.\20\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\20\ Arthur J. Sabin, In Calmer Times: The Supreme Court and Red

Monday (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 11, 39,

55-57, 154-55, 167-68.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

If witnesses refused to cooperate, the chairman threatened

them with indictment and incarceration. At the end of his first

year as chairman, he advised one witness: ``During the course

of these hearings, I think up to this time we have some--this

is just a rough guess--twenty cases we submitted to the grand

jury, either for perjury or for contempt before this committee.

Do not just assume that your name was pulled out of a hat.

Before you were brought here, we make a fairly thorough and

complete investigation. So I would like to strongly advise you

to either tell the truth or, if you think the truth will

incriminate you, then you are entitled to refuse to answer. I

cannot urge that upon you too strongly. I have given that

advice to other people here before the committee. They thought

they were smarter than our investigators. They will end up in

jail. This is not a threat; this is just friendly advice I am

giving you. Do you understand that?'' In the end, however, no

witness who appeared before the subcommittee during his

chairmanship was imprisoned for perjury, contempt, espionage,

or subversion. Several witnesses were tried for contempt, and

some were convicted, but each case was overturned on

appeal.\21\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\21\ Executive session transcript, December 15, 1953.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

AREA OF INVESTIGATION

Following the tradition of the Permanent Subcommittee on

Investigations, the first executive session hearings in 1953

dealt with influence peddling, an outgrowth of an investigation

begun in the previous Congress. Senator McCarthy absented

himself from most of the influence-peddling hearings and left

Senator Karl Mundt or Senator John McClellan, the ranking

Republican and Democrat on the Government Operations Committee,

to preside in his place. But the chairman made subversion and

espionage his sole mission. On the day that the subcommittee

launched a new set of hearings on influence peddling, it began

hearings on the State Department's filing system, whose

byzantine complexity Senator McCarthy attributed to either

Communist infiltration of gross incompetence.

With the State Department investigation, Senator McCarthy

returned to familiar territory. His Wheeling speech in 1950 had

accused the department of harboring known Communists. The

senator demanded that the State Department open its ``loyalty

files,'' and then complained that it provided only ``skinny-

ribbed bones of the files,'' ``skeleton files,'' ``purged

files,'' and ``phony files.'' The chairman's interest was

naturally piqued in 1953 when State Department security officer

John E. Matson reported irregularitiesin the department's

filing system, and charged that personnel files had been ``looted'' of

derogatory information in order to protect disloyal individuals.

Although State Department testimony suggested that its system had been

designed to protect the rights of employees in matters of career

evaluation and promotion, Senator McCarthy contended that there had

been a conspiracy to manipulate the files.\22\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\22\ Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and

the Senate (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), 90-93;

``The Raided Files,'' Newsweek (February 16, 1953), 28-29.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

A brief investigation of homosexuals as security risks also

grew out of previous inquiries. In 1950, Senator McCarthy

denounced ``those Communists and queers who have sold 400

million Asiatic people into atheistic slavery and have American

people in a hypnotic trance, headed blindly toward the same

precipice.'' He often laced his speeches with references to

``powder puff diplomacy,'' and accused his opponents of

``softness'' toward communism. ``Why is it that wherever it is

in the world that our State Department touches the red-hot

aggression of Soviet communism there is heard a sharp cry of

pain--a whimper of confusion and fear? . . . Why must we be

forced to cringe in the face of communism?'' By contrast, he

portrayed himself in masculine terms: in rooting out communism

he ``had to do a bare-knuckle job or suffer the same defeat

that a vast number of well-meaning men have suffered over past

years. It has been a bare-knuckle job. As long as I remain in

the Senate it will continue as a bare-knuckle job.'' The

subcommittee had earlier responded to Senator McCarthy's

complaint that the State Department had reinstated homosexuals

suspended for moral turpitude with an investigation in 1950

that produced a report on the Employment of Homosexuals and

Other Sex Perverts in Government. The report had concluded that

homosexuals' vulnerability to blackmail made them security

risks and therefore ``not suitable for Government positions.''

\23\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\23\ New York Times, April 21, 1950; Congressional Record, 81st

Cong., 2nd sess., A7249, A3426-28; Committee on Expenditures in the

Executive Departments, Subcommittee on Investigations, Employment of

Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government, 81st Cong., 2nd sess

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 4-5, 19.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

The closed hearings shifted to two subsidiaries of the

State Department, the Voice of America and the U.S. information

libraries, which had come under the department's jurisdiction

following World War II. Dubious about mixing foreign policy and

propaganda, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles viewed the

Voice of America as an unwanted appendage and was not

unsympathetic to some housecleaning. It was not long, however,

before the Eisenhower administration began to worry that

McCarthy's effort to clean out the ``left-wing debris'' was

disrupting its own efforts to reorganize the government.

Senator McCarthy also looked into allegations of Communist

literature on the shelves of the U.S. Information Agency

libraries abroad. Rather than call the officials who

administered the libraries, the subcommittee subpoenaed the

authors of the books in question, along with scholars and

artists who traveled abroad on Fulbright scholarships. These

witnesses became innocent bystanders in the cross-fire between

the subcommittee and the administration as the senator expanded

his inquiry from examinations of files and books to issues of

espionage and sabotage, warning audiences: ``This is the era of

the Armageddon--that final all-out battle between light and

darkness foretold in the Bible.'' Zealousness in the search for

subversives made the senator unwilling to accept bureaucratic

explanations on such matters as personnel files and loyalty

board procedures in the State Department, the Government

Printing Office, and the U.S. Army.\24\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\24\ ``Battle Unjoined,'' Newsweek (March 23, 1953), 28; Newsweek

(April 27, 1953), 34; Address to the Sons of the American Revolution,

May 15, 1950, Congressional Record, 81st Cong., 2nd sess., A3787.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Many of McCarthy's investigations began with a flurry of

publicity and then faded away. Richard Rovere, who covered the

subcommittee's hearings for the New Yorker, observed that

investigation of the Voice of America was never completed. ``It

just stopped--its largest possibilities for tumult had

beenexhausted, and it trailed off into nothingness.'' \25\ Before

completing one investigation, the subcommittee would have launched

another. The hectic pace of hearings and the large number of witnesses

it called strained the subcommittee's staff resources. Counsels coped

by essentially asking the same questions of all witnesses. ``For the

most part you wouldn't have time to do all your homework on that, we

didn't have a big staff,'' commented chief clerk Ruth Watt. As a

result, the subcommittee occasionally subpoenaed the wrong individuals,

and used the closed hearings to winnow out cases of mistaken identity.

Some of those who were subpoenaed failed to appear. As Roy Cohn

complained of the authors whose books had appeared in overseas

libraries, ``we subpoena maybe fifty and five show up.'' \26\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\25\ Richard Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy, (New York: Harcourt,

Brace, 1959), 159.

\26\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 128.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

When Senator McCarthy was preoccupied or uninterested in

the subject matter, other senators would occasionally chair the

hearings. Senator Charles Potter, for example, chaired a series

of hearings on Korean War atrocities whose style, demeanor, and

treatment of witnesses contrasted sharply with those that

Senator McCarthy conducted; they are included in these volumes

as a point of reference. Other hearings that stood apart in

tone and substance concerned the illegal trade with the

People's Republic of China, an investigation staffed by

assistant counsel Robert F. Kennedy.\27\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\27\ Gerald J. Bryan, ``Joseph McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, and the

Greek Shipping Crisis: A Study of Foreign Policy Rhetoric,''

Presidential Studies Quarterly, 24 (Winter 1994), 93-104.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

The subcommittee's investigations exposed examples of lax

security in government agencies and defense contractors, but

they failed to substantiate the chairman's accusations of

subversion and espionage. Critics accused Senator McCarthy of

gross exaggerations, of conducting ``show trials'' rather than

fact-finding inquiries, of being careless and indifferent about

evidence, of treating witnesses cavalierly and of employing

irresponsible tactics. Indeed, the chairman showed no qualms

about using raw investigative files as evidence. His

willingness to break the established rules encouraged some

security officers and federal investigators to leak

investigative files to the subcommittee that they were

constrained by agency policy from revealing. Rather than lead

to the high-level officials he had expected to find, the leaked

security files shifted his attention to lower-level civil

servants. Since these civil servants lacked the freedom to

fight back in the political arena, they became ``easier targets

to bully.'' \28\ Even Roy Cohn conceded that McCarthy invited

much of the criticism ``with his penchant for the dramatic,''

and ``by making statements that could be construed as promising

too much.'' \29\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\28\ Earl Latham, The Communist Controversy in Washington, From the

New Deal to McCarthy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 323,

349-54; John Earl Haynes, Red Scare or Red Menance? American Communism

and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996),

147, 154.

\29\ Cohn, McCarthy, 94-95.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Having predicted to the press that his inquiry into

conditions at Fort Monmouth would uncover espionage, Senator

McCarthy willingly accepted circumstantial evidence as grounds

for the dismissal of an employee from government-related

service. The subcommittee's dragnet included a number of

perplexed witnesses who had signed a nominating petition years

earliers, belonged to a union whose leadership included alleged

Communists, bought an insurance policy through an organization

later designated a Communist front organization, belonged to a

Great Books club that read Karl Marx among other authors, had

once dated a Communist, had relatives who were Communists, or

simply had the same name as a Communist. Thosewitnesses against

whom strong evidence of Communist activities existed tended to be

involved in labor organizing--hardly news since the Congress of

Industrial Organizations (CIO) had already expelled such unions as the

Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and Technicians and the

United Electrical Workers, whom McCarthy investigated. Those witnesses

who named names of Communists with whom they had associated invariably

described union activities, and none corroborated any claims of

subversion and espionage.

Critics questioned Senator McCarthy's sincerity as a

Communist hunter, citing his penchant for privately embracing

those whom he publicly attacked; others considered him a

classic conspiracy theorist. Once he became convinced of the

existence of a conspiracy, nothing could dissuade him. He

exhibited impatience with those who saw things differently,

interpreted mistakes as deliberate actions, and suspected his

opponents of being part of the larger conspiracy. He would not

entertain alternative explanations and stood contemptuous of

doubters. A lack of evidence rarely deterred him or undermined

his convictions. If witnesses disagreed on the facts, someone

had to be lying. The Fort Monmouth investigation, for instance,

had been spurred by reports of information from the Army Signal

Corps laboratories turning up in Eastern Europe. Since Julius

Rosenberg had worked at Fort Monmouth, McCarthy and Cohn were

convinced that other Communist sympathizers were still

supplying secrets to the enemy. But the Soviet Union had been

an ally during the Second World War, and during that time had

openly designated representatives at the laboratories, making

espionage there superfluous. Nevertheless, McCarthy's pursuit

of a spy ring caused officials at Fort Monmouth to suspend

forty-two civilian employees. After the investigations, all but

two were reinstated in their former jobs.

Not until January 1954, did the remaining subcommittee

members adopt rules changes that Democrats had demanded, and

Senators McClellan, Jackson and Symington resumed their

membership on the subcommittee. These rules changes removed the

chairman's exclusive authority over staffing, and gave the

minority members the right to hire their own counsel. Whenever

the minority was unanimously opposed to holding a public

hearing, the issue would go to the full committee to determine

by majority vote. Also in 1954, the Republican Policy Committee

proposed rules changes that would require a quorum to be

present to hold hearings, and would prohibit holding hearings

outside of the District of Columbia or taking confidential

testimony unless authorized by a majority of committee members.

In 1955 the Permanent Subcommittee adopted rules similar to

those the Policy Committee recommended.\30\

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

\30\ New York Times, July 11, 19, 1953, January 24, 26, 27, 1954;

Congressional Record, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess, 2970.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Following the Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, the Senate

censured Senator McCarthy in December 1954 for conduct

unbecoming of a senator. Court rulings in subsequent years had

a significant impact on later congressional investigations by

strengthening the rights of witnesses. Later in the 1950s,

members and staff of the Permanent Subcommittee on

Investigations joined with the Senate Labor and Public Welfare

Committee to form a special committee to investigate labor

racketeering, with Robert F. Kennedy as chief counsel.

Conducted in a more bipartisan manner and respectful of the

rights of witnesses, their successes helped to reverse the

negative image of congressional investigations fostered by

Senator McCarthy's freewheeling investigatory style.

Donald A. Ritchie,

Senate Historical Office.

SUBCOMMITTEE STAFF IN JANUARY 1953

Francis D. Flanagan, chief counsel (July 1, 1945 to June 30,

1953)

Gladys E. Montier, assistant clerk (July 1, 1945 to November

15, 1953)

Ruth Young Watt, chief clerk (February 10, 1947 to May 31,

1979)

Jerome S. Adlerman, assistant counsel (July 1, 1947 to August

3, 1953)

James E. Sheridan, investigator (July 1, 1947 to December 3,

1953)

Robert J. McElroy, investigator (April 1, 1948 to April 24,

1955)

James H. Thomas, assistant counsel (January 19, 1949 to

February 15, 1953)

Howell J. Hatcher, chief assistant counsel (March 15, 1949 to

April 15, 1953)

Edith H. Anderson, assistant clerk (January 26, 1951 to

February 9, 1957)

William A. Leece, assistant counsel (March 14, 1951 to March

16, 1953)

Martha Rose Myers, assistant clerk (April 5, 1951 to July 31,

1953)

Nina W. Sutton, assistant clerk (April 1, 1952 to January 31,

1955)

SUBCOMMITTEE STAFF APPOINTED IN 1953-1954

Roy M. Cohn, chief counsel (January 15, 1953 to August 13,

1954)

Robert F. Kennedy, assistant counsel (January 15, 1953 to

August 31, 1953), chief counsel to the minority

(February 23, 1954 to January 3, 1955)

Donald A. Surine, assistant counsel (January 22, 1953 to July

19, 1954)

Marbeth A. Miller, research clerk (February 1, 1953 to July 31,

1954)

Herbert Hawkins, investigator (February 1, 1953 to November 15,

1954)

Daniel G. Buckley, assistant counsel (February 1, 1953 to

February 28, 1955)

Aileen Lawrence, assistant clerk (February 1, 1953 to September

15, 1953)

Thomas W. LaVenia, assistant counsel, (February 16, 1953 to

February 28, 1955)

Donald F. O'Donnell, assistant counsel (March 16, 1953 to

September 30, 1954)

Pauline S. Lattimore, assistant clerk (March 16, 1953 to

September 30, 1954)

Christian E. Rogers, Jr., assistant counsel (March 16, 1953 to

August 21, 1953)

Howard Rushmore, research director (April 1, 1953 to July 12,

1953)

Christine Winslow, assistant clerk (April 2, 1953 to May 15,

1953)

Rosemary Engle, assistant clerk (May 25, 1953 to March 15,

1955)

Joseph B. Matthews, executive director (June 22, 1953 to July

18, 1953)

Mary E. Morrill, assistant clerk (June 24, 1953 to November 15,

1954)

Ann M. Grickis, assistant chief clerk (July 1, 1953 to January

31, 1954)

Francis P. Carr, Jr., executive director (July 16, 1953 to

October 31, 1954)

Karl H. Baarslag, research director (July 16, 1953 to September

30, 1953), (November 2, 1954 to November 17, 1954)

Frances P. Mims, assistant clerk (July 16, 1953 to December 31,

1954)

James M. Juliana, investigator (September 8, 1953 to October

12, 1958)

C. George Anastos, assistant counsel (September 21, 1953 to

February 28, 1955)

Maxine B. Buffalohide, assistant clerk (November 19, 1953 to

October 15, 1954)

Thomas J. Hurley, Jr., investigator (November 19, 1953 to

December 15, 1953)

Margaret W. Duckett, assistant clerk (November 23, 1953 to

October 15, 1954)

Charles A. Tracy, investigator (March 1, 1954 to February 28,

1955)

LaVern J. Duffy, investigator (March 19, 1954 to February 28,

1955)

Ray H. Jenkins, special counsel (April 14, 1954 to July 31,

1954)

Solis Horwitz, assistant counsel (April 14, 1954 to June 30,

1954)

Thomas R. Prewitt, assistant counsel (April 14, 1954 to June

30, 1954)

Charles A. Maner, secretary (April 14, 1954 to July 31, 1954)

Robert A. Collier, investigator (April 14, 1954 to May 31,

1954)

Regina R. Roman, research assistant (July 15, 1954 to February

28, 1955)

ACCOUNTS BY PARTICIPANTS

Adams, John G. Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of

McCarthyism. New York: Random House, 1983.

Cohn, Roy. McCarthy. New York: New American Library, 1968.

Ewald, William Bragg, Jr. Who Killed Joe McCarthy? New

York: Simon and Schuster, 1984.

Merson, Martin. The Private Diary of a Public Servant. New

York: Macmillan, 1955.

Potter, Charles E. Days of Shame. New York: Coward-McCann,

1965.

Rabinowitz, Victor. Unrepentent Leftist: A Lawyer's

Memoirs. Urbana: University of Illinois, 1996.

Watt, Ruth Young. Oral History Interview, Senate Historical

Office, 1979.

ACCOUNTS BY WITNESSES

Aptheker, Herbert, ``An Autobiographical Note,'' Journal of

American History, 87 (June 2002), 147-71.

Aronson, James. The Press and the Cold War. Boston: Beacon

Press. 1970.

Belfrage, Cedric. The American Inquisition, 1945-1960: A

Profile of the ``McCarthy Era.'' New York: Thunder's Mouth

Press, 1989. Reprint of 1973 edition.

Copland, Aaron and Vivian Perlis. Copland Since 1943. New

York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

DuBois, Rachel Davis with Coran Okorodudu. All This and

Something More: Pioneering in Intercultural Education: An

Autobiography. Bryn Mawr, Penn.: Dorrance & Company, 1984.

Fast, Howard. Being Red. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1990.

Fast, Howard. The Naked God: the Writer and the Communist

Party. New York: Praeger, 1957.

Kaghan, Theodore. ``The McCarthyization of Theodore

Kaghan.'' The Reporter, 9 (July 21, 1953).

Kent, Rockwell. It's Me O Lord: The Autobiography of

Rockwell Kent. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1955.

Lamb, Edward. ``Trial by Battle'': The Case History of a

Washington Witch-Hunt. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Center for the

Study of Democratic Institutions, 1964.

Mandel, Bill. Saying No to Power. Berkeley, Calif.:

Creative Arts Book Company, 1999.

Matusow, Harvey. False Witness. New York: Cameron & Kahn,

1955.

O'Connor, Jessie Lloyd, Harvey O'Connor, and Susan M.

Bowler. Harvey and Jessie: A Couple of Radicals. Philadelphia:

Temple University Press, 1988.

Seaver, Edwin. So Far So Good: Recollections of a Life in

Publishing. Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill, 1986.

Seldes, George. Witness to a Century: Encounters with the

Noted, the Notorious, and Three SOBs. New York: Ballantine,

1987.

Service, John S. The Amerasia Papers: Some Problems in the

History of U.S.-China Relations. Berkeley: Center for Chinese

Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1971.

Webster, Margaret. Don't Put Your Daughter on the Stage.

New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972.

Wechsler, James A. The Age of Suspicion. New York: Random

House, 1953.

Weyl, Nathaniel. The Battle Against Democracy. New York:

Thomas Y. Crowell, 1951.

WITNESSES WHO TESTIFIED IN EXECUTIVE SESSION, 1953

Ackerman, Lester

Adams, John

Aguimbau, Lawrence

Alfred, Benjamin

Allen, Jacob W.

Amen, John H.

Andrews, T. Coleman

Antell, Louis

Archdeacon, Henry Canning

Arnot, Charles P.

Aronson, James

Arrigo, Augustin

Arsenault, Jean A.

Auberjonois, Fernand

Auerbach, Sol (James S. Allen)

Austin, Clyde

Ayers, Stuart

Ayman, David

Back, Maj. Gen. George I.

Balog, Helen B.

Barrett, Edward W.

Bauknight, Ralph M.

Belfrage, Cedric

Belgrave, Gordon

Bennett, Herbert S.

Bentley, Elizabeth

Berger, Sigmond

Berinsky, Stanley

Berke, Sylvia

Bernstein, Barry S.

Berstein, Samuel

Bert, Joseph

Blattenberger, Raymond

Bogolepov, Igor

Bookbinder, Benjamin

Bortz, Louis

Bottisti, Albert J.

Boye, Gunnar

Boyer, Richard O.

Bolys, Witoutos S.

Brand, Millen

Brashear, Dewey Franklin

Bremmer, Sol

Brody, Edward

Brooks, Deton J., Jr.

Brooks, John Starling

Brothman, Abraham

Brown, Donald R.

Bruzzese, Larry

Bryan, Julien

Bryant, James M.

Budenz, Louis Francis

Burgum, Edwin B.

Burkes, Carter Lemuel

Burkhard, Henry F.

Burrows, Albert

Butensky, Seymour

Buttrey, Capt. Linton J.

Carlisle, John W.

Cavanna, Paul

Cernrey, Frank

Chasanow, Abraham

Chase, Allan

Chiaro, Teresa Mary

Coe, V. Frank

Cole, Eugene H.

Cole, Phillip L.

Coleman, Aaron H.

Compton, Wilson R.

Connors, W. Bradley

Cooke, Marvel

Cookson, Thomas K.

Copland, Aaron

Corwin, Jerome

Coyle, David Cushman

Cragg, Earl

Crenshaw, Craig

Crevisky, Joseph K.

Crouch, Paul

Daniels, Dr. Fred B.

Daniels, Cpl. Willie L.

Davies, Bennett

Delaney, Walter S.

Delcamp, Raymond

DeLuca, John Anthony

Donohue, Harry

Donovan, John L.

Drake, Emma Elizabeth

DuBois, Rachel Davis

Ducore, Harold

Duggan, James E.

Duke, Russell W.

d'Usseau, Arnaud

Ehrendfeld, Alice

Elitcher, Max

Elliott, Maxwell

Englander, Florence

Epstein, Markus

Evans, Gertrude

Everhardt, Roscoe Conkling

Evers, James

Falk, Harry

Fary, Leo

Fast, Howard

Feldman, Albert E.

Fenn, Gen. C.C.

Ferebee, Dorothy

Ferguson, Esther Leemov

Fernandez, Emanuel

Finkelstein, Saul

Finlayson, Donald R.

Fisher, Phillip

Fischler, Albert

Fister, Edward J.

Fleming, Alfred

Forsyth, Rear Admiral Edward Culligan

Francis, Joseph E.

Francisco, Abden

Freedman, David M.

Freeman, Joseph

Frese, Walter F.

Fried, Dorothy

Freidlander, Sidney

Friedman, Lawrence

Frolow, Jack

Fulling, Virgil H.

Furry, Wendell

Gaboriault, Norman

Galex, Irving Israel

Gallagher, Maj. James J.

Gebhardt, Joseph Arthur

Gebo, Lawrence Leo

Gelfan, Harriett Moore

George, Arthur

Gerber, Stanley

Gerhard, Karl

Giardina, Ignatius

Gift, Charles

Gisser, Samuel Paul

Glassman, Sidney

Goldberg, William P.

Goldfrank, Helen

Goodkind, Louis W.

Goodwin, Robert

Grottfried, Linda

Greenberg, Solomon

Greenblum, Carl

Greenman, Samuel I.

Gregory, Alexander

Grogan, Mrs. William

Gross, Alan Sterling

Grundfest, Harry

Guess, Cleta

Hacko, Paul F.

Hall, Alvin W.

Hammett, Dashiell

Hanley, Col. James M.

Hansen, Kenneth R.

Harris, Reed

Hawkins, Herbert S.

Hecker, Herbert F.

Henderson, Donald

Hermida, Higeno

Herrick, George Q.

Hewitt, Downs E.

Heyman, Ezekiel

Hindin, Alexander

Hipsley, S. Preston

Hiskey, Clarence F.

Holtzman, David

Homes, George

Huberman, Leo

Hughes, Henry Daniel

Hughes, Langston

Hunt, Mansfield

Hutner, Eleanor Glassman

Hutner, Eugene E.

Hyman, Harry

Iannarone, Ralph

Inslerman, Hans

Jacobs, Norman Stanley

Janowsky, Seymour

Jasik, Henry

Jassik, Charles

Jegabbi, Anna

Johnson, Wendell G.

Jones, Richard, Jr.

Jones, William Johnstone

Kaghan, Theodore

Kaplan, Jacob

Kaplan, Louis

Kaplan, Louis Leo

Katchen, Ira J.

Katz, Max

Kaufman, Mary M.

Keiser, Morris

Kelleher, Maj. James

Kent, Rockwell

Kerr, Mavlina M.

Kitty, Fred Joseph

Klein, Alex Henry

Kohler, E.L.

Kolowich, George J.

Komar, Joseph Paul

Kornfield, Isadore

Koss, Howard

Kostora, Lt. Col. Lee H.

Kotch, Donald Joseph

Krau, Maj. Harold N.

Kreider, Cpl. Lloyd D.

Kretzmann, Edwin

Krummel, Lillian

Lamont, Corliss

Lautner, John

Lawton, Maj. Gen. Kirke B.

Layne, Joseph Linton

Lee, Bernard

Leeds, Paul M.

Leeds, Sherwood

Lenkeith, Nancy

LePage, Wilbur

Lepato, Abraham

Levine, Martin

Levine, Ruth

Levine, Samuel

Levitsky, Joseph

Levitties, Harry William

Lewis, Bernard

Lewis, Helen B.

Lewis, Napthtali

Lichter, David

Lindsay, Col Wallace W.

Linfield, David

Lipel, Bernard

Lipson, Harry

Lofek, Vachlav

Lonnie, William Patrick

Lowrey, Vernon Booth

Lundmark, Carl J.

Lyons, Edward J.

Lyons, Florence Fowler

Lynch, Michael J.

Mabbskka, Karl T.

Makarounis, Capt. Alexander G.

Mandel, William Marx

Mangione, Jerre G.

Markward, Mary S.

Martin, Bernard

Martin, Pfc. John E.

Matles, James J.

Mastrianni, William J.

Mathews, Troup

Martinez-Locayo, Juan Jose

Matousek, Helen

Matson, John E.

Matta, Sgt. George J.

McJennett, John Francis, Jr.

McKee, Samuel

McKesson, Lewis J.

McNichols, 1st Lt. Henry J., Jr.

Mellor, Ernest C.

Merold, Harold

Miller, Leo M.

Miller, Murray

Miller, Robert C.

Mills, Col. John V.

Mills, Nathaniel

Mins, Leonard E.

Moon, Susan

Moran, James M.

Morgan, Edward P.

Morrill, Donald Herbert

Morris, Melvin M.

Morris, Sam

Morton, Thruston B.

Mullins, Sgt. Orville R.

Murphy, Curtis Quinten

Murray, H. Donald

Nachmais, Harry M.

Naimon, Alexander

Narell, Murray

Nelson, Elba Chase

Northrup, Robert Pierson

O'Connor, Harvey

Okun, Jack

Oliveri, Joseph John

Omanson, Sarah

Owens, Arthur Lee

Page, Paul D., Jr.

Palmiero, Francesco

Palmiero, Mary Columbo

Pappas, Theodore

Partridge, Gen. Richard C.

Pastorinsky, Harry

Pataki, Emery

Pataki, Ernest

Pataki, Vivian Glassman

Peacock, Francis F.

Percoff, Joseph H.

Pernice, John

Petrov, Vladimir

Phillips, James B.

Piekarski, Witulad

Pomerentz, Samuel

Pope, Lafayette

Powell, Doris Walters

Puhan, Alfred

Rabinowitz, Seymour

Rabinowitz, Victor

Ranney, Russell Gaylord

Reiss, Julius

Rhoden, Sgt. Barry F.

Rich, Stanley R.

Riehs, Rudolph C.

Rissland, Rudolph

Robeson, Eslanda Goode

Rogers, Lt. Col. James T.

Rollins, Harold S.

Rosenbaum, Terry

Rosenheim, Irving

Rosmovsky, Peter

Rothschild, Edward M.

Rothschild, Esther B.

Rothstein, Jerome

Ryan, Robert J.

Sachs, Harvey

Sack, Samuel

Saltzman, William

Sardella, John

Saunders, John D.

Savitt, Morris

Schickler, John

Schnee, Leon

Schutz, Ralph

Schmidt, Martin

Scott, James P.

Seaver, Edwin

Seay, Perry

Segner, Samuel Martin

Seifert, Doris

Seldes, George

Service, John Stewart

Shadowitz, Albert

Shapiro, Philip Joseph

Shapiro, Shirley

Sharps, Sgt. Robert L.

Sheehan, Capt. Benjamin

Shoiket, Henry

Sidorovich, Ann

Sidorovich, Michael

Siegel, Paul

Sillers, Frederick

Silverberg, Muriel

Simkovich, John R.

Singer, Bertha

Smith, Newbern

Snyder, Samuel

Socol, Albert

Solomon, Isadore

Spence, Adolphus Nichols

Spiro, Norman

Stokes, Irving

Stolberg, Sidney

Stoner, Frank E.

Studenberg, Irving

Sussman, Nathan

Swing, Raymond Gram

Tate, Jack B.

Taylor, William H.

Thomas, Charles S.

Thompson, James F.

Thompson, Robert L.

Toumanoff, Vladimir

Treffery, Sgt. Wendell

Ullmann, Marcel

Ullman, William Ludwig

Unger, Abraham

Urey, Harold C.

Van Kleeck, Mary

Varley, Dimitri

Vedeler, Harold C.

Volp, Louis

Walker, Alfred C.

Walsh, James John

Watters, Sgt. John L., Jr.

Way, Kenneth John

Webster, Margaret

Wechsler, James A.

Weinel, Sgt. Carey H.

Weinstein, James

Wells, O.V.

Wells, Roy Hudson, Jr.

Weyl, Nathaniel

Whitehorne, Lt. Col. J.W. III

Wilder, William Richmond

Wilkerson, Doxey

Willi, George

Wolman, Benjamin

Wolman, Diana

Yamins, Haym G.

Young, Philip

Zucker, Jack

Zuckerman, Benjamin

PUBLIC HEARINGS OF SENATE PERMANENT SUBCOM-

MITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS, PUBLISHED IN 1953

Eligibility Audits--Federal Security Agency, February 3

State Department--File Survey, Part 1, February 4, 5, 6

State Department--File Survey, Part 2, February 16, 20

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 1,

February 16, 17

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 2,

February 18, 19

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 3,

February 20, 28

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 4,

March 2

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 5,

March 3

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 6,

March 4

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 7,

March 5, 6

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 8,

March 12

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 9,

March 13, 16, 19

State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part

10, April 1, Composite Index

Stockpiling--Palm Oil, February 25

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

1, March 24, 25, 26

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

2, March 27, April 1, 2

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

3, April 29, May 5

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

4, April 24

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

5, May 5

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

6, May 6, 14

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

7, July 1, 2, 7

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

8, July 14

State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part

9, August 5, Composite Index

Control of Trade with the Soviet Bloc, Part 1, March 30

Control of Trade with the Soviet Bloc, Part 2, May 4, 20

Austrian Incident, May 29, June 5, 8

State Department--Student-Teacher Exchange program, June 10, 19

Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 18

U.S. v. Fallbrook Public Utility District, et al., July 2

Security--Government Printing Office, Part 1, August 17, 18

Security--Government Printing Office, Part 2, August 19, 20,

22, 29

Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September

8, 11

Security--United Nations, Part 1, September 17, 18

Security--United Nations, Part 2, September 15

Communist Infiltration in the Army, Part 1, September 28

Commuist Infiltration in the Army, Part 2, September 21

Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,

October 20, 21

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 1, October

22, November 24, 15, December 8

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 2, December 9

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 3, December

10, 11

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 4, December

14

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 5, December

15

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 6, December

16

Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 7, December

17

Korean War Atrocities, Part 1, December 2

Korean War Atrocities, Part 2, December 3

Korean War Atrocities, Part 3, December 4

WITNESSES WHO TESTIFIED IN PUBLIC SESSION, 1953

Abbott, Lt. Col. Robert

Ackerman, Lester

Adlerman, Jerome S.

Allen, Maj. Gen. Frank A., Jr.

Allen, James S.

Aptheker, Herbert

Archdeacon, Henry Canning

Aronson, James

Auberjonois, Fernand

Ayers, Stuart

Baarslag, Karl

Balog, Helen B.

Barmine, Alexander

Bauer, Robert

Beardwood, Jack

Belfrage, Cedric H.

Bell, Daniel W.

Bentley, Elizabeth

Berke, Sylvia

Bernstein, Barry S.

Blattenberger, Raymond C.

Bogolepov, Igor

Booth, William N.

Bortz, Louis

Boyer, Richard O.

Boykin, Samuel D.

Bracken, Thomas E.

Brand, Millen

Browder, Earl

Budenz, Louis F.

Burgum, Edward B.

Buttrey, Capt. Linton J.

Caldwell, John C.

Carrigan, Charles B.

Cocutz, John

Coe, V. Frank

Cole, Philip L.

Coleman, Aaron Hyman

Compton, Wilson R.

Cooke, Marvel J.

Conners, W. Bradley

Creed, Donald R.

Crouch, Paul

Cupps, Halbert

Daniels, Cpl. Willie L.

DeLuca, John Anthony

Dooher, Gerald F.P.

Duggan, James E.

d'Usseau, Arnaud

Epstein, Julius

Evans, Gertrude

Fast, Howard

Finn, Maj. Frank M.

Foner, Philip

Forbes, Russell

Ford, John W.

Francis, Robert J.

Freedman, David M.

Freeman, Frederick

Fulling, Virgil H.

Gelfan, Harriet Moore

Ghosh, Stanley S.

Gift, Charles

Gillett, Glenn D.

Glasser, Harold

Glassman, Sidney

Glazer, Sidney

Goldfrank, Helen

Goldman, Robert B.

Gorn, Lt. Col. John W.

Gropper, William

Grundfest, Harry

Hammett, Dashiell

Halaby, N.E.

Hall, Alvin W.

Hanley, Col. James M.

Hansen, Kenneth R.

Harris, Reed

Henderson, Donald

Herrimann, Frederick

Heyman, Ezekiel

Hipsley, S. Preston

Hlavaty, Julius H.

Hoey, Jane M.

Horneffer, Michael D.

Huberman, Leo

Hughes, Langston

Hunter, Eleanor Glassman

Hyman, Harry

Jaramillo, Arturo J.

Johnstone, William C., Jr.

Kaghan, Theodore

Kaplan, Louis

Kennedy, Robert F.

Kent, Rockwell

Kereles, Gabriel

Kimball, Arthur A.

Kinard, Charles Edward

King, Clyde Nelson

Kitty, Fred Joseph

Kreider, Cpl. Lloyd D.

Kretzmann, Edwin M.J.

Lamont, Corliss

Lautner, John

Leddy, John M.

Lenkeith, Nancy

Levine, Ruth

Levitsky, Joseph

Lewis, Helen

Lewis, Naphtali

Linfield, David

Locke, Maj. William D.

Lotz, Walter Edward, Jr.

Lumpkin, Grace

Lundmark, Carl J.

Lyons, Roger

McKee, Samuel

McKesson, Lewis J.

McNichols, Lt. Henry J., Jr.

Maier, Howard

Makarounis, Capt. Alexander G.

Mandel, William Marx

Manring, Roy Paul, Jr.

Markward, Mary S.

Martin, Pfc. John E.

Mason, Arthur S.

Matson, John E.

Matta, Sgt. George

Matusow, Harvey

Mazzei, Joseph D.

Meade, Everard K., Jr.

Mellor, Ernest C.

Merold, Harry D.

Milano, William L.

Mins, Leonard E.

Moran, James B.

Morris, Sam

Mullins, Sgt. Orville R.

Nash, Frank C.

O'Connor, Harvey

Pataki, Ernest

Patridge, Gen. Richard C.

Percoff, Joseph H.

Petrov, Vladimir

Phillips, James B.

Piekarski, Witulad

Pratt, Haraden

Puhan, Alfred

Reber, Maj. Gen. Miles

Reid, Andrew J.

Reiss, Julius

Rhoden, Sgt. Barry F.

Richmond, Alfred C.

Ridgeway, Gen. Matthew B.

Robeson, Eslanda Goode

Rogers, Lt. Col. James T.

Rogge, O. John

Rosinger, Lawrence K.

Ross, Julius

Rothschild, Edward M.

Rothschild, Esther B.

Rushmore, Howard

Sachs, Howard R.

Salisbury, Joseph E.

Sarant, Louise

Saunders, John

Savitt, Morris

Schappes, Morris U.

Seaver, Edwin

Shadowitz, Albert

Sharpe, Sgt. Charles Robert

Shephard, Patricia

Shoiket, Henry N.

Shulz, Edward K.

Sillers, Frederick

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory

Sims, Albert G.

Smith, Lt. James

Smith, Newbern

Synder, Samuel Joseph

Socol, Albert

Spence, Adolophus Nichols

Spence, Clifford H.

Stassen, Harold E.

Stern, Dr. Bernhard J.

Stolberg, Sidney

Strong, Allen

Sussman, Nathan

Syran, Arthur G.

Taylor, Donald K.

Taylor, William C.

Teto, William H.

Thompson, James F.

Tippett, Frank D.

Todd, Lt. Col. Jack R.

Toumanoff, Vladimir I.

Treffery, Sgt. Wendell

Ullmann, Marcel

Ullman, William Ludwig

Unger, Abraham

Utley, Freda

Veldus, A.C.

Vernier, Paul

Walsh, A.J.

Watters, Sgt. John L., Jr.

Wechsler, James A.

Weinel, Sgt. Carey H.

Wetfish, Gene

Wilkerson, Doxey A.

Wolfe, Col. Claudius O.

Wolman, Benjamin

Wolman, Diana Moldover

Wu, Kwant Tsing

Zucker, Jack

RUSSELL W. DUKE

[Editor's note.--The inquiry into the alleged influence-

peddling of Russell W. Duke (1907-1978) in U.S. tax cases and

his cooperation with Washington lawyer Edward P. Morgan (1913-

1986), was a continuation of similar investigations that the

subcommittee had conducted during the previous Congress, but

the subcommittee's new chairman, Senator McCarthy, had a

personal interest in both these men. Russell Duke, who lived in

Oregon, maintained close ties to Senator Wayne Morse, one of

McCarthy's outspoken critics, while Edward Morgan had served as

counsel to the Foreign Relations Committee subcommittee,

chaired by Senator Millard Tydings, that examined McCarthy's

Wheeling, West Virginia, charges about Communists in the State

Department. The Tydings subcommittee re